danila
07-06 08:30 AM
It looks like there was one yesterday, http://www..com/discuss/485eb/16035847/
wallpaper Free Lower Back Tattoo Design
aps
09-09 12:13 PM
any body? any answers please?
kirupa
04-11 05:06 PM
Hey vibedesign,
Create and animate the text that you wish to have "wireframed" in Swift 3D. When exporting the SWF, make sure you select the No Fill option. Consequently, make sure you select the Outline option with Entire Mesh or another setting selected! That should export your animation without the fill but with the outlines instead. That will look like a wireframe text effect!
Create and animate the text that you wish to have "wireframed" in Swift 3D. When exporting the SWF, make sure you select the No Fill option. Consequently, make sure you select the Outline option with Entire Mesh or another setting selected! That should export your animation without the fill but with the outlines instead. That will look like a wireframe text effect!
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Beemar
10-07 11:38 PM
Hi Folks,
My friend's 485 is pending with CIS and he is working on EAD. He currently does not hold any other visa. In fact his last H1 expired more than a year ago. We recently tried to renew his EAD online on USCIS website. However, we were stumped by a question which asks the applicant about his/her current immigration status in US. It was a drop down box and had many options like H1, L1 etc, but there was no option for somebody like him whose current status is just "AOS pending".
How do we get around this? Do you think it is best to apply on paper?
My friend's 485 is pending with CIS and he is working on EAD. He currently does not hold any other visa. In fact his last H1 expired more than a year ago. We recently tried to renew his EAD online on USCIS website. However, we were stumped by a question which asks the applicant about his/her current immigration status in US. It was a drop down box and had many options like H1, L1 etc, but there was no option for somebody like him whose current status is just "AOS pending".
How do we get around this? Do you think it is best to apply on paper?
more...
insbaby
12-30 01:13 PM
5. I will pay IV at least $5.00 a month
Macaca
10-27 10:14 AM
America has a persuadable center, but neither party appeals to it (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/10/25/AR2007102502774.html) By Jonathan Yardley (yardleyj@washpost.com) | Washington Post, October 28, 2007
THE SECOND CIVIL WAR: How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, Penguin. 484 pp. $27.95
These are difficult times for American politics at just about all levels, but especially in presidential politics, which has been poisoned -- the word is scarcely too strong -- by a variety of influences, none more poisonous than what Ronald Brownstein calls "an unrelenting polarization . . . that has divided Washington and the country into hostile, even irreconcilable camps." There is nothing new about this, he quickly acknowledges, and "partisan rivalry most often has been a source of energy, innovation, and inspiration," but what is particularly worrisome now "is that the political system is more polarized than the country. Rather than reducing the level of conflict, Washington increases it. That tendency, not the breadth of the underlying divisions itself, is the defining characteristic of our era and the principal cause of our impasse on so many problems."
Most people who pay reasonably close attention to American politics will not find much to surprise them in The Second Civil War, but Brownstein -- who recently left the Los Angeles Times to become political correspondent for Atlantic Media and who is a familiar figure on television talk shows -- has done a thorough job of amassing all the pertinent material and analyzing it with no apparent political or ideological axe to grind. He isn't an especially graceful prose stylist, and he's given to glib, one-word portraits -- on a single page he gives us "the burly Joseph T. Robinson," "the bullet-headed Sam Rayburn," "the mystical Henry A. Wallace" and "the flinty Harold Ickes" -- but stylistic elegance is a rare quality in political journalism in the best of times, and in these worst of times it can be forgiven. What matters is that Brownstein knows what he's talking about.
He devotes the book's first 175 pages -- more, really, than are necessary -- to laying the groundwork for the present situation. Since the election of 1896, he argues, "the two parties have moved through four distinct phases": the first, from 1896 to 1938, when they pursued "highly partisan strategies," the "period in modern American life most like our own"; the second, from the late New Deal through the assassination of John F. Kennedy, "the longest sustained period of bipartisan negotiation in American history," an "ideal of cooperation across party lines"; the third, from the mid-1960s to the mid-1990s, "a period of transition" in which "the pressures for more partisan confrontation intensified"; and the fourth, "our own period of hyperpartisanship, an era that may be said to have fully arrived when the Republican-controlled House of Representatives voted on a virtually party-line vote to impeach Bill Clinton in December 1998."
As is well known, the lately departed (but scarcely forgotten) Karl Rove likes to celebrate the presidency of William McKinley, which serious historians generally dismiss out of hand but in which Rove claims to find strength and mastery. Perhaps, as Brownstein and others have suggested, this is because Rove would like to be placed alongside Mark Hanna, the immensely skilled (and immensely cynical) boss who was the power behind McKinley's throne. But the comparison is, indeed, valid in the sense that the McKinley era was the precursor of the Bush II era, which "harkened back to the intensely partisan strategies of McKinley and his successors." Bush's strategies are now widely regarded as failures, not merely among his enemies but also among his erstwhile allies on Capitol Hill, who grouse about "White House incompetence or arrogance." But Brownstein places these complaints in proper context:
"Yet many conservatives recognized in Bush a kindred soul, not only in ideology, but more importantly in temperament. Because their goals were transformative rather than incremental, conservative activists could not be entirely satisfied with the give and take, the half a loaf deal making, of politics in ordinary times. . . . In Bush they found a leader who shared that conviction and who demonstrated, over and again, that in service of his goals he was willing to sharply divide the Congress and the country."
This, as Brownstein notes, came from the man who pledged to govern as "a uniter, not a divider." Bush's service as governor of Texas had been marked by what one Democrat there called a "collaborative spirit," but "he is not the centrist as president that he was as governor." This cannot be explained solely by the influence of Rove, who appeared to be far more interested in placating the GOP's hard-right "base" than in enacting effective legislation. Other influences probably included a Democratic congressional leadership that grew ever more hostile and ideological, the frenzied climate whipped up by screamers on radio and television, and Bush's own determination not to repeat his father's second-term electoral defeat. But whatever the precise causes, the Bush Administration's "forceful, even belligerent style" assured nothing except deadlock on the Hill, even on issues as important to Bush as immigration and Social Security "reform."
Brownstein's analysis of the American mood is far different from Bush/Rove's. He believes, and I think he's right, that there is "still a persuadable center in American politics -- and that no matter how effectively a party mobilized its base, it could not prevail if those swing voters moved sharply and cohesively against it," viz., the 2006 midterm elections. He also believes, and again I think he's right, that coalition politics is the wisest and most effective way to govern: "The party that seeks to encompass and harmonize the widest range of interests and perspectives is the one most likely to thrive. The overriding lesson for both parties from the Bush attempt to profit from polarization is that there remains no way to achieve lasting political power in a nation as diverse as America without assembling a broad coalition that locks arms to produce meaningful progress against the country's problems." As Lyndon Johnson used to say to those on the other side of the fence, "Come now, let us reason together."
Yet there's not much evidence that many in either party have learned this rather obvious lesson. Several of the (remarkably uninspired) presidential candidates have made oratorical gestures toward the politics of inclusion, but from Hillary Clinton to Rudolph Giuliani they're practicing interest-group politics of exclusion as delineated in the Gospel According to Karl Rove. Things have not been helped a bit by the Democratic leadership on the Hill, which took office early this year with great promises of unity but quickly lapsed into an ineffective mixture of partisan rhetoric and internal bickering. Brownstein writes:
"Our modern system of hyperpartisanship has unnecessarily inflamed our differences and impeded progress against our most pressing challenges. . . . In Washington the political debate too often careens between dysfunctional poles: either polarization, when one party imposes its will over the bitter resistance of the other, or immobilization, when the parties fight to stalemate. . . . Our political system has virtually lost its capacity to formulate the principled compromises indispensable for progress in any diverse society. By any measure, the costs of hyperpartisanship vastly exceed the benefits."
Brownstein has plenty of suggestions for changing things, from "allowing independents to participate in primaries" to "changing the rules for drawing districts in the House of Representatives." Most of these are sensible and a few are first-rate, but they have about as much chance of being adopted as I do of being president. The current rush by the states to be fustest with the mostest in primary season suggests how difficult it would be to achieve reform in that area, and the radical gerrymandering of Texas congressional districts engineered by Tom DeLay makes plain that reform in that one won't be easy, either. Probably what would do more good than anything else would be an attractive, well-organized, articulate presidential candidate willing, in Adlai Stevenson's words, "to talk sense to the American people." Realistically, though, what we can look for is more meanness, divisiveness and cynicism. It's the order of the day, and it's not going away any time soon.
THE SECOND CIVIL WAR: How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, Penguin. 484 pp. $27.95
These are difficult times for American politics at just about all levels, but especially in presidential politics, which has been poisoned -- the word is scarcely too strong -- by a variety of influences, none more poisonous than what Ronald Brownstein calls "an unrelenting polarization . . . that has divided Washington and the country into hostile, even irreconcilable camps." There is nothing new about this, he quickly acknowledges, and "partisan rivalry most often has been a source of energy, innovation, and inspiration," but what is particularly worrisome now "is that the political system is more polarized than the country. Rather than reducing the level of conflict, Washington increases it. That tendency, not the breadth of the underlying divisions itself, is the defining characteristic of our era and the principal cause of our impasse on so many problems."
Most people who pay reasonably close attention to American politics will not find much to surprise them in The Second Civil War, but Brownstein -- who recently left the Los Angeles Times to become political correspondent for Atlantic Media and who is a familiar figure on television talk shows -- has done a thorough job of amassing all the pertinent material and analyzing it with no apparent political or ideological axe to grind. He isn't an especially graceful prose stylist, and he's given to glib, one-word portraits -- on a single page he gives us "the burly Joseph T. Robinson," "the bullet-headed Sam Rayburn," "the mystical Henry A. Wallace" and "the flinty Harold Ickes" -- but stylistic elegance is a rare quality in political journalism in the best of times, and in these worst of times it can be forgiven. What matters is that Brownstein knows what he's talking about.
He devotes the book's first 175 pages -- more, really, than are necessary -- to laying the groundwork for the present situation. Since the election of 1896, he argues, "the two parties have moved through four distinct phases": the first, from 1896 to 1938, when they pursued "highly partisan strategies," the "period in modern American life most like our own"; the second, from the late New Deal through the assassination of John F. Kennedy, "the longest sustained period of bipartisan negotiation in American history," an "ideal of cooperation across party lines"; the third, from the mid-1960s to the mid-1990s, "a period of transition" in which "the pressures for more partisan confrontation intensified"; and the fourth, "our own period of hyperpartisanship, an era that may be said to have fully arrived when the Republican-controlled House of Representatives voted on a virtually party-line vote to impeach Bill Clinton in December 1998."
As is well known, the lately departed (but scarcely forgotten) Karl Rove likes to celebrate the presidency of William McKinley, which serious historians generally dismiss out of hand but in which Rove claims to find strength and mastery. Perhaps, as Brownstein and others have suggested, this is because Rove would like to be placed alongside Mark Hanna, the immensely skilled (and immensely cynical) boss who was the power behind McKinley's throne. But the comparison is, indeed, valid in the sense that the McKinley era was the precursor of the Bush II era, which "harkened back to the intensely partisan strategies of McKinley and his successors." Bush's strategies are now widely regarded as failures, not merely among his enemies but also among his erstwhile allies on Capitol Hill, who grouse about "White House incompetence or arrogance." But Brownstein places these complaints in proper context:
"Yet many conservatives recognized in Bush a kindred soul, not only in ideology, but more importantly in temperament. Because their goals were transformative rather than incremental, conservative activists could not be entirely satisfied with the give and take, the half a loaf deal making, of politics in ordinary times. . . . In Bush they found a leader who shared that conviction and who demonstrated, over and again, that in service of his goals he was willing to sharply divide the Congress and the country."
This, as Brownstein notes, came from the man who pledged to govern as "a uniter, not a divider." Bush's service as governor of Texas had been marked by what one Democrat there called a "collaborative spirit," but "he is not the centrist as president that he was as governor." This cannot be explained solely by the influence of Rove, who appeared to be far more interested in placating the GOP's hard-right "base" than in enacting effective legislation. Other influences probably included a Democratic congressional leadership that grew ever more hostile and ideological, the frenzied climate whipped up by screamers on radio and television, and Bush's own determination not to repeat his father's second-term electoral defeat. But whatever the precise causes, the Bush Administration's "forceful, even belligerent style" assured nothing except deadlock on the Hill, even on issues as important to Bush as immigration and Social Security "reform."
Brownstein's analysis of the American mood is far different from Bush/Rove's. He believes, and I think he's right, that there is "still a persuadable center in American politics -- and that no matter how effectively a party mobilized its base, it could not prevail if those swing voters moved sharply and cohesively against it," viz., the 2006 midterm elections. He also believes, and again I think he's right, that coalition politics is the wisest and most effective way to govern: "The party that seeks to encompass and harmonize the widest range of interests and perspectives is the one most likely to thrive. The overriding lesson for both parties from the Bush attempt to profit from polarization is that there remains no way to achieve lasting political power in a nation as diverse as America without assembling a broad coalition that locks arms to produce meaningful progress against the country's problems." As Lyndon Johnson used to say to those on the other side of the fence, "Come now, let us reason together."
Yet there's not much evidence that many in either party have learned this rather obvious lesson. Several of the (remarkably uninspired) presidential candidates have made oratorical gestures toward the politics of inclusion, but from Hillary Clinton to Rudolph Giuliani they're practicing interest-group politics of exclusion as delineated in the Gospel According to Karl Rove. Things have not been helped a bit by the Democratic leadership on the Hill, which took office early this year with great promises of unity but quickly lapsed into an ineffective mixture of partisan rhetoric and internal bickering. Brownstein writes:
"Our modern system of hyperpartisanship has unnecessarily inflamed our differences and impeded progress against our most pressing challenges. . . . In Washington the political debate too often careens between dysfunctional poles: either polarization, when one party imposes its will over the bitter resistance of the other, or immobilization, when the parties fight to stalemate. . . . Our political system has virtually lost its capacity to formulate the principled compromises indispensable for progress in any diverse society. By any measure, the costs of hyperpartisanship vastly exceed the benefits."
Brownstein has plenty of suggestions for changing things, from "allowing independents to participate in primaries" to "changing the rules for drawing districts in the House of Representatives." Most of these are sensible and a few are first-rate, but they have about as much chance of being adopted as I do of being president. The current rush by the states to be fustest with the mostest in primary season suggests how difficult it would be to achieve reform in that area, and the radical gerrymandering of Texas congressional districts engineered by Tom DeLay makes plain that reform in that one won't be easy, either. Probably what would do more good than anything else would be an attractive, well-organized, articulate presidential candidate willing, in Adlai Stevenson's words, "to talk sense to the American people." Realistically, though, what we can look for is more meanness, divisiveness and cynicism. It's the order of the day, and it's not going away any time soon.
more...
Paranormal Paralegal
11-13 08:28 PM
Actually, its preferable - saves money and shows DOL that there are multiple openings, not just one.
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gman
07-25 11:39 PM
My attorney filed I-486 for me last august and now it's about time for me to renew the EAD. On this page http://www.uscis.gov/portal/site/uscis/menuitem.5af9bb95919f35e66f614176543f6d1a/?vgnextoid=73ddd59cb7a5d010VgnVCM10000048f3d6a1RCR D&vgnextchannel=db029c7755cb9010VgnVCM10000045f3d6a1 RCRD
it states that if you filed after July 30, 2007 then a fee is no longer needed. My I-485 application was filed under the old fee structure. Does it still mean I can file without a fee.
Thanks in advance.
it states that if you filed after July 30, 2007 then a fee is no longer needed. My I-485 application was filed under the old fee structure. Does it still mean I can file without a fee.
Thanks in advance.
more...
techbuyer77
07-09 06:44 PM
I am the principal beneficiary and my husband is my derivative, however he got his fp (On july 12) and I haven't received mine!
Should I go with him and try to get fp? I am afraid they wont let me do it, because I only have the case #'s from the back of the checks, i dont have receipts yet!
The only thing we got so far is hi fp notice
Very weird the way uscis works
Should I go with him and try to get fp? I am afraid they wont let me do it, because I only have the case #'s from the back of the checks, i dont have receipts yet!
The only thing we got so far is hi fp notice
Very weird the way uscis works
hair fairy, flower, lower back,
Blog Feeds
07-27 03:40 PM
There's a phrase in American pop culture - "jump the shark" that seems appropriate about now. I guess in the facing rapidly declining ratings, Mr. Dobbs is resorting to even more extreme rhetoric and has now joined the "birthers" desperately peddling one of the sillier conspiracy theories out there. While it showed weak moral stamina, I could at least understand the economic reasoning behind CNN keeping Dobbs on the air when his show was producing healthy ratings. But even that justification for leaving him in prime time has evaporated. It's time to pull the plug. Hat tip to George C....
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/07/dobbs-suggest-obama-is-undocumented.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/07/dobbs-suggest-obama-is-undocumented.html)
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pthoko
07-18 01:37 PM
Hi ,
Can one extend the H1B beyond 6 years based on the I-140 approval even after I-485 DENIAL ??
I JUST WANTED TO COVER SOME WORST CASE SCENARIOS BEFORE MAKING SOME DECISIONS.
Thanks
Can one extend the H1B beyond 6 years based on the I-140 approval even after I-485 DENIAL ??
I JUST WANTED TO COVER SOME WORST CASE SCENARIOS BEFORE MAKING SOME DECISIONS.
Thanks
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gp_45
04-22 10:23 PM
July/Aug-07 filer for I-485 at NSC. Applied for EAD Feb-end and Received EAD in the mail last week. Noticed that the validity start date is 3/24/2007 and end date is 3/23/2009
I realize that someone did a data-entry error..Wanted to check if this would be a problem at any time...
I realize that someone did a data-entry error..Wanted to check if this would be a problem at any time...
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memyselfandus
04-10 11:13 AM
You cannot apply for I-485 unless I-140 is approved as EB1 is purely based on I-140 not labor.
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bodhi_tree
02-26 10:17 AM
Hello,
I have read in the popular immigration forums that one can request a one time 3 year extension to H1b beyond the standard 6 year limit if one has an approved I140 and could not file I485 due to retrogression. I am confused on how does one go about requesting this..meaning is it sufficient to just put three years under the 'date of intended employment' in I129 form and have a labor condition approval with similar dates or do you have to include a copy of approved I140 and point to the 2005 Aytes memo that grants such a provision while you file for I129. By the way the situation is also a bit more complicated due to the fact that I am changing jobs (5th year H1) and trying to get a 3 year transfer based on approval from the company I am leaving.
Appreciate your inputs
I have read in the popular immigration forums that one can request a one time 3 year extension to H1b beyond the standard 6 year limit if one has an approved I140 and could not file I485 due to retrogression. I am confused on how does one go about requesting this..meaning is it sufficient to just put three years under the 'date of intended employment' in I129 form and have a labor condition approval with similar dates or do you have to include a copy of approved I140 and point to the 2005 Aytes memo that grants such a provision while you file for I129. By the way the situation is also a bit more complicated due to the fact that I am changing jobs (5th year H1) and trying to get a 3 year transfer based on approval from the company I am leaving.
Appreciate your inputs
more...
pictures Set Of Three Elegant Tattoo
Blog Feeds
04-28 08:40 AM
So far this year we've been hearing that Democrats will lose seats left and right. But some think that Arizona Hispanics, who represent one-third of the state's voters, will severely punish the GOP. John McCain has tried to appeal to the Republican base and supported the bill and all three GOP candidates for governor, including Governor Jan Brewer, have also advocated for the new legislation. Now suddenly Democrats may be competitive in both the Senate and Governor's races this November. A new poll shows that Democratic Governor candidate Terry Goddard has picked up 26 points with Hispanics in the last...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/04/could-arizona-law-cost-republicans-governor-and-senator-seats.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/04/could-arizona-law-cost-republicans-governor-and-senator-seats.html)
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Dhundhun
06-16 05:23 PM
I started my life on EAD. So wanted to have some business card as well. Any guidelines for -
Business name:
Position:
This is to keep some professional expenses seperate, if possible to be used for tax filing.
Business name:
Position:
This is to keep some professional expenses seperate, if possible to be used for tax filing.
more...
makeup located in the lower back
new_horizon
07-14 06:27 PM
No. You must already have 485 pending, or you should be applying 765 along with your 485 concurrently. However to apply for 485, your PD must be current.
I got my labor and 140 cleared few months back under EB3, Can I apply for 765 to get my EAD ?
I have not applied for 485.
Please let me know.
thanks
I got my labor and 140 cleared few months back under EB3, Can I apply for 765 to get my EAD ?
I have not applied for 485.
Please let me know.
thanks
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thesparky007
04-01 12:52 AM
ohh btw its chris.jones@51 or somethign like that
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krithi
01-15 05:09 PM
I am currently working on EAD (thru 485), graduated in August 07, applying for H1B (first time) in April 08, my questions
1. Any effect on my AOS.
2. Can I start working without going ouf of the country once my H1B is approved on Oct 1st 2008.
1. Any effect on my AOS.
2. Can I start working without going ouf of the country once my H1B is approved on Oct 1st 2008.
memyselfandus
07-31 09:37 PM
New filing fees were applicable from 7/30. Do all applications(485/131/765) whose PD is current need to filed with the new fees starting from 7/30? Or till 8/17 it can be filed with the old fees?
Thanks
Old fees; with July priority date till August 17th.
Thanks
Old fees; with July priority date till August 17th.
SandMan
08-25 12:22 PM
animate the shapes to move in and out rather than spinning? iscale them and move in and out but it doesnt animate it.. any help would do thx:)) and whats best swift 3d for something different or Flash 5 for a good little movie making project:)) ide rather keep in 3d either way if possible:o
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